The Global Assembly Line free essay sample

An analysis of the movie Global Assembly Line by Lorraine Gray. This movie explores the effects of globalization on the lives of both U.S. workers and the newly formed workforces in third world countries such as Mexico and the Philippines. It is compared to other movies which deal with unfair labor conditions William Adlers Mollies Job and The Work of Nations. The film illustrates the issues faced through stories of the destruction of a local community by a Barbie Doll factory in the Philippines; secret meetings of Filipino women trying to form a union; and a hunger strike by Mexican workers. The film pulls no punches and exposes the abuse of human and labor rights by showing military and police intervention used in situations where workers, in many different parts around the world, are organizing to fight the multinationals by attempting to unionize.

Are The Council of Ministers and European Council Protectors of The State †Government Research Paper

Are The Council of Ministers and European Council Protectors of The State – Government Research Paper Free Online Research Papers European integration has deepened considerably in the recent years and many are predicting it to deepen even further, towards an all-embracing state of Europe in which national boundaries and cultural identities will gradually melt into one. This scenario is definitely feared by many. However, among all the institutions of the European Union, the last stronghold of national interests still stands: the Council of Ministers, the Union’s main executive and legislative power. Alongside it is the European Council, a meeting of the heads of member states, which defines the broad political direction of the Union, and is under national influence as well. Are these two institutions the protectors of state interests within the European Union? In this essay I intend to look at the organization and functions of both the Council of Ministers and the European Council. I will also examine how they interact with the rest of the European Union, and look at the functioning of the decision-making process closely to see whether the Council of Ministers protects national interests or strives for the common good of the European Union. Finally I will conclude on what I perceive as the role of the Council of Ministers and the European Council and whether they are protecting state interests within the European Union or not. The Council of Ministers The Council of Ministers was created on purely intergovernmental grounds in 1951. The national governments felt the need to limit the supranational powers that were driving the integration forward. The Council which was then created has evolved greatly since and its powers have deepened despite the growing powers of the supranational institutions within the European Union. The Council of Ministers is not one complete body, but in fact meets in several different formations, depending on the subject area being discussed. For example, the ministers of education meet among themselves as do the ministers of foreign affairs. So all in all, the Council of Ministers has sixteen different formations. There also exists an hierarchy within these different formations: â€Å"Three Councils have traditionally met on a monthly basis, and have therefore been viewed as the most ‘senior’ formations – the General Affairs Council, made up of the foreign ministers of the member governments; the Economic and Financial Affairs (Ecofin), composed of the ministers of finance or economic affairs; and the Agriculture Council.† (Hayes-Renshaw, 2002: 50). The other councils meet less frequently, but yet at least twice a year. The ministers are in these meetings strictly as the representatives of their respective governments and are authorized to commit t heir governments (Hayes-Renshaw, 2002: 51). The Council of Ministers is led by the presidency which rotates among the member states and is held up for a six-month period. Meanwhile the Secretariat-General of the Council acts as the administrative support to the Council performing also logistical and technical functions. The Secretary-General is also the High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy, so the tasks the Secretariat-General oversees are not to be overlooked. The Secretariat-General plays a significant role within the Council hierarchy. COREPER (Committee of Permanent Representatives) Coreper prepares the work of the Council of Ministers and is an important and integral part of the functioning of the Council. â€Å"Coreper acts as a process manager in the Council system between the ministers and the experts in the working groups.† (Cini, 2003: 157). Coreper consists of two groups: Coreper I and II. â€Å"Coreper I is made up of the deputy permanent representatives and they are responsible for preparing the so-called ‘technical’ councils.† (Cini, 2003: 157). Meanwhile, Coreper II is generally regarded the more important one and consists of the EU permanent representatives who prepare the work of the General Affairs Council and deal with issues that have broad implications. While the representatives have no formal decision-making power, they still exert a lot of influence on the ministers, and â€Å"Coreper is still an important de facto decision-making body, seen by the steady stream of ‘A points’ which are sent to the minis ters for formal adoption† (Cini, 2003: 158). Below the Coreper in hierarchy, several working groups exist: â€Å"†¦ the working group level is a vast network of national officials who specialize in specific areas and form the initial starting point for negotiations on any new proposal or issue.† (Cini, 2003: 158) They hold the specialist knowledge needed for each subject area and aim to work through all the technical and fine detail to ease the workload of ministers. The functions of the Council of Ministers Decision-making is the Council’s main function and it is in fact the European Union’s principal legislative institution. All proposals originating from the Commission must be approved by the Council. Certain decisions are taken collectively with the European Parliament through co-decision procedure, and the power of the Parliament has increased in influencing the outcome of the decisions; however the Council of Ministers still holds the main power. The decisions made collectively with the European Parliament fall under the First Pillar of the issues. Decisions within the Second and Third Pillars which consist of ‘more important’ issues such as for example foreign policy are made solely by the Council of Ministers. Within the Council decisions are made preferably through negotiation and agreements; however in some cases voting is the only way to reach consensus. There are two categories for voting rules: unanimity and qualified majority voting (QMV). In the case of unanimity any country can block the decision-making process by casting a ‘no’ vote. However, QMV is more commonly used and is based on ‘weighted’ votes (every member state has a certain number of votes proportionate to their size and population). But again, it has to be stressed that voting does not take place commonly. Member states will rather come to a mutual agreement than try to hold on to their national points of view until the very end. This shows that even the Council of Ministers, the most intergovernmental of all the European Union institutions, is not all about fighting for national benefits but instead tries to look for what is good for the Union as well. The Council of Ministers is also the executive power of the European Union. As such, its function is â€Å"to provide leadership and steer the pace and direction of European integration, seen especially in areas of diplomacy and foreign affairs.† (Cini, 2003: 149). In this task, it is aided by the European Council that sets the broad political agenda. The European Council The European Council, which is the meeting of the heads of member state governments, was established in 1974. The meetings had taken place prior to that but it was then that the European Council was institutionalized as an integral part of the European Union. â€Å"The main reason for the creation of the European Council was a growing feeling that the Community was failing to respond adequately or quickly enough to new and increasingly difficult challenges.† (Nugent, 2003: 179) The powers of the European Council at the moment (they have evolved over time and without a doubt will keep evolving as well) are the following: It defines the broad political direction and guidelines of the European Union. It guides the European Union’s development and determines the guidelines of economic policies within the Union; and it defines the general principles and guidelines for Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and takes decisions for implementing CFSP. Its task is also to â⠂¬Å"decide on common strategies to be implemented by the Union in areas where the Member States have important interests in common.† (Nugent, 2003: 181) And finally, â€Å"the Council shall ensure the unity, consistency and effectiveness of action by the Union.† (Nugent, 2003: 181) Basically, the European Council is a political get-together that unites the national interests of the member states into a broad political agenda. Even if the European Council is not part of the official decision-making machinery, it still has an important role in that because â€Å"final and legally binding EU decisions may be made by other EU institutions, but major political decisions concerning the institutional and policy development of the EU are now generally taken by, or at least are channeled through and given clearance by, the European Council.† (Nugent. 2003: 182) The meetings of the European Council are prepared by the General Affairs and External Relations Council, again to ease the workload of the busy heads of states. National Interests and the Decision-making Process in the European Union In this section I intend to look at the decision-making process within the second and third pillars more specifically and see if that can offer proof of the claim that the Council of Ministers acts as the protector of state interests within the European Union. The main question here is whether member states will rather reach consensus, even if that might mean having to give up some of their national interests, or use their right to veto (or become part of a blocking minority) to ensure that national gains are reached? As mentioned before, the Council of Ministers exercises its decision-making authority especially in matters under the Second and Third Pillars. Under these pillars, which comprise of Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and justice and home affairs, the European Parliament is not an official part of the decision-making machinery; even if it is allowed state its opinion on the issues. The member states can be regarded as having strong national interests in these two areas, mostly related to national sovereignty and geopolitical and economic interests. In the past, the Council of Ministers had a strong emphasis on national interests, under some informal rules, such as for example the Luxembourg Compromise: â€Å"For a long time the most important of these [the informal rules] was the Luxembourg ‘Compromise’ of 1966, under which it was asserted by the French government of the day that member states should be able to block decisions that would threaten ‘very important national interests’.† (Hayes-Renshaw and Wallace, 2005: 14) However, now Qualified Majority Voting (QMV) has become more important than unanimity voting, therefore vetoing is no longer as useful, or even possible. â€Å"Ever since QMV became an embedded option, votes have been formally taken on only about a quarter of eligible decisions, often with abstentions, rather than negative votes.† (Hayes-Renshaw and Wallace, 2005: 18) But even QMV is not often used because any kind of voting is not a common practice in the Council of Mini sters. States will rather reach consensus through lengthy negotiations. There exists some problems with QMV though which imply that member states still feel that their national interests might be threatened: weighted votes lead to larger states being underrepresented (not having enough votes relative to their population) and vice versa smaller states being overrepresented. â€Å"Even if the weight of an individual small country is limited, it is not only symbolic. It determines the extent to which the country can be an effective and valued partner in qualified majorities or blocking minorities, and thereby receive support for its national interests.† (Moberg, 2002: 267) Therefore, safeguarding national interests is still important and even if vetoing as such is not an option in most cases, blocking power remains important. Rather than clinging on to a specific national point of view, member states take a more flexible approach and team with like-minded states with shared interests. Coalitions of states tend to stay the same because â€Å"usually, states have a stable set of national interests, which in most cases are basically the same even after a change of government† (Moberg, 2002: 261). Weighting of interests is more important than mere concepts of power and blocking a decision can bring about new proposals, better suited to national interests. The importance of national interests can also be seen in the fact that â€Å"in the daily work of the EU, (†¦), the dividing line is almost never between large and small, but rather between countries with opposite interests in other respects† (Moberg, 2002: 270). Despite this, a strong consensus-culture seems to exist. Member states cannot defend their national interests all the time but they have to consider their relations to other countries too, as well as their own image. At the end of the day, work at the Council of Ministers is like any group work: everyone has their opinion but something has to give and everyone has to compromise to find a solution that pleases everyone. And in the case of the European Union, a solution that allows the Union to function and move the integration forward. Conclusion Hayes-Renshaw offers a very useful one-sentence summary of the Council of Ministers: â€Å"The Council is the EU’s chief decision-making body, the place where national interests are articulated, defended, and aggregated by ministerial representatives of all member governments.† (2002: 47). It sums up the main functions of the Council, however it is interesting that she should emphasize the fact that the Council is where national interests are represented. Cini recognizes the Council of Ministers as â€Å"the premier EU institution for representing national interests and power† (2003: 163) but highlights the fact that the Council is also more than merely the forum for national negotiation and bargaining: â€Å"It is also a collective system of governance which locks member states into permanent negotiations with one another.† (2003: 163) The Council is therefore both intergovernmental and supranational. â€Å"†¦ It blurs the traditional distinction be tween the national and European levels, between intergovernmental and supranational.† (Cini, 2003: 163) From these descriptions and the previous summaries on the Council of Ministers and the European Council, can we come to a conclusion that they are protecting state interests within the European Union? The European Union’s strongly supranational character might lead us to believe that any institution that has even a little to do with member state’s own interests is intergovernmental and safeguarding national interests and gains. This is even strengthened by the prominent roles that the Council of Ministers and the European Council have – for many outsiders, they are the Union. But as we can see from their functions and roles and positions that have been examined in this essay, we can conclude that they are indeed protecting national interests and it looks unlikely that the member states would settle for smaller representation. However, we should bear in m ind that protecting national interests is not the only function they have in the European Union and they also serve a purpose to the deepening integration and a bigger picture of Europe. Bibliography Cini, M. (2003): European Union Politics. Oxford: University Press. Hayes-Renshaw, F. (2002): The Council of Ministers, in Peterson, J. and Shackleton, M.: The Institutions of the European Union. Oxford: University Press. Hayes-Renshaw, F. and Wallace, H. (2005): The Council of Ministers of the European Union. London: MacMillan. Moberg, A. (2002): The Nice Treaty and Voting Rules in the Council, in Journal of Common Market Studies. Vol. 40, no. 2 Nugent, N. (2003): The Government and Politics of the European Union. New York: Palgrave MacMillan. Research Papers on Are The Council of Ministers and European Council Protectors of The State - Government Research PaperAssess the importance of Nationalism 1815-1850 EuropePETSTEL analysis of IndiaDefinition of Export QuotasTwilight of the UAWHonest Iagos Truth through DeceptionInfluences of Socio-Economic Status of Married MalesAppeasement Policy Towards the Outbreak of World War 2Relationship between Media Coverage and Social andCapital PunishmentOpen Architechture a white paper

The Efficacy And Advantages Of Inserting Foreign Genes Into The Essay

The Efficacy And Advantages Of Inserting Foreign Genes Into The Chloroplastic Genome Instead Of The Nuclear Genome - Essay Example Another batch of DNA was treated in a likewise manner, except that nucleotides containing thymine were added instead of adenine. (Avril, 187-94) When these two samples of DNA were mixed, the complementary "tails" of A- and T-bearing nucleotides became joined by hydrogen bonding. This combined the once separate fragments into long, interconnected chains. DNA ligase was then added to form bonds between the sugar and phosphate groups. The two DNA strands were now one. It was certainly intriguing that one could now cut up DNA into unpredictable heterogeneous fragments and randomly stitch them back together. However, for further insights into the organization of DNA and its genes -- that is, the determination of precise nucleotide sequencesvery specific nucleases would have to be found. The prevailing opinion was that such specific DNA-cutting capability did not exist in nature. The only clue to the possibility that more specific nucleases might exist came from observations beginning as early as 1953 that when DNA molecules from E. coli were introduced into another slightly different form of E. coli they seldom functioned genetically. They were quickly broken down into smaller fragments. This apparently was part of a system that had evolved in bacteria to protect them against the entrance of foreign DNA. In addition to all of the other more obvious forms of competition in nature, there is a constant invisible struggle played out in the microscopic world, in this case between bacteria and bacteriophages. Darwin's natural selection is recreated here on a minute scale. (David, 131-44) First, bacteria can be grown under controlled conditions, rapidly and in enormous numbers. Overnight, a few cells will multiply into literally billions. It is very important to understand that a bacterial cell ordinarily reproduces simply by copying itself. Assuming that no mutations occur in the cells, all the descendants of that one cell are identical. Such a population of cells originating from a single cell is termed a "clone" and the process of producing that clone is referred to as "cloning" the cell. The DNA in a typical bacterial cell exists in two forms. One is the single bacterial chromosome which, unlike the chromosomes in our cells, is in the form of a circular molecule. The DNA of all other organisms can be likened to a long string. In bacteria, the ends of the string are joined, forming a circle. In addition to the DNA in the bacterial chromosome, DNA also occurs in bacteria in the form of plasmids. These, like the bacterial chromosome, are also circular DNA molecules, but much smaller. When the bacterial cell divides, the bacterial chromosome replicates and one chromosome is passed on to the new cell. Likewise, each of the plasmids replicate and half are delivered to the next generation. The plasmids are unique, independent, self-replicating DNA molecules which can exist only within the living bacterial cell. Plasmids can easily be isolated from bacteria by breaking open the cells with enzymes which break down the cell wall. The resulting mix is centrifuged.The heavier chromosomal DNA, termed "genomic" DNA, as well as cell fragments will go to the

Assignment 2 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words - 4

Assignment 2 - Essay Example A very good example for this is how manufacturers design the specification of the newer models that are launched in the market. Another result of the global recession is the overwhelming increase of prices of materials used for production in the automobile manufacturing industry. Because of this, production cost for automobiles went up, which resulted to higher capital cost for automobiles. Consumers are not in the mood or rather refraining in engaging in big-ticket purchases, which resulted to low generation of revenue through sales (Crescenzi 2008 p.193). Major automobile manufacturers are now focusing and concentrating in the features and benefits of each model. Since automobile sales have been decreasing drastically over the past year, this proves that the market has lost its capability to buy. And if they could, they become more cautious and concerned about the automobile’s features and the benefits they can get from the automobile. Considering that transportation is one of the most important aspects in everyday life, not only with businesses but households as well, the automobile industry has taken advantage of this aspect to generate demand of supply in the market. This is one strategy to somehow level the ratio of market demand against production and automobile sales. The global recession’s effect in businesses and households is mainly on the income and revenue side. Since prices of petroleum products drastically went high numerous times in the world market these past few months, the need of maximizing revenue and funds against businesses and household expenditures for transportation and automobile maintenance was addressed by upgrading and innovating new automobile features. Engines that are low in maintenance and low fuel consumption had been a recent addition to the newer models that was launched in the market. Non-price competition is a form of traditional automobile market competition that was further inspired by the decrease of

Cooperation Between Government and Adults From the Age of 18 to 25 Term Paper

Cooperation Between Government and Adults From the Age of 18 to 25 - Term Paper Example It can be either in form of words- written or spoken, gestures and body language, tone, pitch and timing of voice, symbols and listening (Phillips 3). Communication can also be done through the way we dress, the things we wear like wedding rings, the tattoos we make on our bodies, the types of cars we drive and so on (Karen 3). There are various practical points which if adapted can make an interpersonal communication better. According to Black (1), these can include speaking for one’s self, discussing ones feelings, revealing ones intentions, explaining what you mean, speaking specifically, getting straight to the point, asking one’s self whether what you want to communicate is relevant and listening carefully to others when communicating. Communication is a two way process-involving sharing of information and it is very important in enabling someone to get along well with others and getting this done (Phillips 3). It depends with size and nature of the audience so wha t can be good for one individual can be very inappropriate for a crowd or a group of people (Vanita 6). According to Boone and Kurtz (297), every communication takes place in some sort of situation or cultural context, which can influence on how well the process will work. For example the way two people might speak to each other in an office is different from how the same two people will be expected to speak to each other on a party gathering. Good communication is very important either to a normal person, a leader, a family, an organization or even to a nation. According to Phillips (3), ability to communicate well results to relationship growth, personal growth and even personal happiness in general. The process by which communication skills are developed is not that much understandable. It is believed that communication skills grow throughout someone’s life form learning how to express one’s self by an infant to the ability to write, speak, listen, read, understandi ng symbols etc. of a well educated adult (Caputo et al 115). Background (community chosen) Aberdeen Township is a town in Monmouth County of the state of New Jersey with a population of 17454 persons per the 2000 USA census. It has a total area of 7.8 sq. miles of which 5.5 sq. miles is land and the remaining is water. It is believed that water makes up around 28.61% of the total area of this town. This township has got 6421 households and 4770 families as per the 2000 USA census and a population density of 3152 people per sq. mile (Aberdeen 1). This community uses the Council Manager form of governance in which a policy making power is concentrated on the council with the mayor presiding its meetings and a municipal chief executive and administration officer appointed to manage it. It adopted this name about 35 years ago and has grown to become a suburban Township with a mixture of residence, light industry, and shopping centers. This community has several boards, which assists the management in making and implementing policies. Some of these boards include Aberdeen Green Team, Community Development Board, Environmental & Shade Tree Advisory Board, Planning Board, Recreation Advisory Board, Senior Citizens Advisory Board and Zoning Board of Adjustments (Aberdeen 1). The Township has two volunteer fire companies that

Linguistic Politeness Study

Linguistic Politeness Study Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION Over the last three decades, politeness has become one of the central discussions in pragmatic and sociolinguistic researches. A large number of theoretical, empirical books and articles about linguistic politeness that have been published, shows that politeness has become one of the most active areas of research in language use. Although the interest of politeness in both social and linguistic phenomenon significantly increased, many recent studies choose to drawn on conversational data, it was surprised that is only small numbers of scholars focused to study politeness in written text such as scientific written text rather than on conversational data recently. Even though the main stream of linguistic politeness is generally associated with social behaviour as strategic conflict avoidance, and the major concept of politeness theory is an arrangement of politeness strategies along a continuum from least polite to most polite, also allows them to engage in conflict-free communication, and it usually found in the study of conversational using speaker-hearer model of interactions. Many scholars do not realize that this politeness model also can be extended to other medium not only through verbal communication but also in a written material in terms of the interactions of the or authors and audiences in scientific texts. Furthermore, the advances of politeness models to some genres of scientific written texts is somehow interesting and in the other hand complex field to study. Greg Myers[1] (1989) in his study found that the model proposed by Brown and Levinson was very useful to explain how he interpret some construction of the norm of scientific culture found in writing, particularly academic writing. Brown and Levinson (1978/1987) present their study as part of the linguistic project of showing universals in language usage; the striking parallels in politeness devices between three unrelated languages shows that while the expressions of politeness may vary enormously from one culture to another, and the basic hierarchy of politeness strategies is not a culture specific. Brown and Levinsons (1987: 58) constructed a system in which a model person is endowed with negative and positive face; roughly the want to be unimpeded and the want to be approved of in certain respects. The model person also has a rational faculty for choosing the course of action that will give the highest pay-off with the least loss of face, evaluating three variables; the social distances (D); the relative difference in power between the speaker and hearer (P); the rank of imposition (R). These three basic variables seem still affective to help understanding the interactions of politeness between writers and readers in written text. Brown and Levinsons (BL) theory has been extensively used and also criticised. Although most of the scholars that studied politeness are agree that specific factors like power, social distance or status, influence the adoption of strategies, it is still difficult to provide definite conclusions. Moreover, by using Myers â€Å"room of thinking† above that linked to what Brown and Levinson had proposed in their study, this research tries to focus on the politeness strategies employed by the economists authors in academic journals, by concerning that at this time academic journals had reached a fabulous numbers both digital and printing material and also become a major references by scholars all over the world. On the other hand, the scholars that deeply focused to study the academic journals in the pragmatics or discourse analysis area says; politeness its still rare. By viewing that chances the researcher hopes that this study is able to contribute to the existing pool of knowledge on politeness strategies used in academic writing, particularly which in the writing of economic journal articles of two identified economic journals. 1.1 Statements of the Problem Started in the early 1950s, Schuler studied about the politeness in Germany and Goffman studied on â€Å"face work† in 1955. Nowadays, the study about politeness has become one of the major areas of pragmatics or sociolinguistics. Classical theories of linguistic politeness clarifies such as Lakoff (1973, 1977), Brown and Levinson (1987), Leech (1983) agree that linguistic politeness can be used as a strategic conflict avoidance. Linguistic politeness not only was applied by many people via verbal communication but also through the medium of written material both in academic or non academic fields, politeness persuasion in journal writing as a genre in academic writing somehow in line with the demands of the academic community that expects scientific language to be objective and formal. Further, the use of politeness persuasion or strategies in journal issues by particular people from different culture background, age and economic basic education is interesting field to discuss. Based on that statement above the main purposes of this study beyond the limits of this paper, to give an exhaustive overview of politeness-related research are to identify sort of politeness strategies employed by economist authors and analyze the politeness kinds of strategies in economic journal articles both local and international economic journal. 1.2 Objective of the Study In recent years there has been a steady increase in interest and research into economics discourse by both economists and linguists which has spawned an expanding body of work. The nature of this work in part reflects not only the varied academic backgrounds of the writers, but also the evolutionary development of linguistics in general and its sub-discipline of discourse analysis in particular. This body of work is not only in hope succeeding clarify many of the ways that economists use language to express themselves in polite way, but also can be use to help the public to understand the politeness style of writing from the economist in the scientific text. Furthermore based on the explanation above, this present study tried focused in identify politeness strategies employed by authors of economic journal communities both local and international economic journals, by proposing the objectives below; 1. To investigate how economists use language to present findings in polite way 2. To investigates the use of politeness strategies in economics text 3. To compare the use of politeness strategies in a local and international economic journals 1.3 Research Question Brown and Levinson (1987) have developed a theory of politeness to explain the nature of politeness phenomena in language. Through this exploratory study, the researcher will focus on the existence of linguistic politeness in economic articles. For this purpose the researcher study the selected local and international economic journals. The researcher focused on specific areas in these journals that the researcher feels exemplifies the existence of politeness strategies. Based on the explanation above, the present study aims to answer the following question: 1. What kinds of politeness strategies are employed by authors in local and international economic journal articles? 2. In what ways are local and international journals similar or different in the use of politeness strategies? 1.4 Significance of the study Politeness has become one of the fields of research to which more attention has been devoted in the last two decades. The connections of politeness studies with other domains, such as sociolinguistics, socio pragmatics, ethnography of communication, second language teaching/acquisition or conversational analysis, have definitely contributed to this growing interest and its exploratory study, the researcher choose to focus on the existence of politeness strategies n economic journals. Since the early 1980s, the discussion of various controversial issues in the economics discourse community has led to increasing debate among concerned economists about the ways that they communicate with each other, as well as with non-economists. Royce (1995) in his paper[2] mentions that; Although economics is considered to be a science and its language is often close to scientific language, within evidence the texts are often complemented by graphs. The influence of literary discourse is predominant. In 1986, Donald McCloskey published The Rhetoric of Economics and republished in 1998. McCloskey considers economic discourse as a language comprised of tropes; a word or phrase used in a sense not proper to it, tales and other rhetorical devices that are literary and rhetorical or persuasive rather than scientific or natural†. The specific aim of this research also to show that was an increasing awareness of the nature of economics discourse by both applied linguists and economists, For the purposes above, the research studies one locally and one international economic journal, published by economic associations from Malaysia and USA. This research try not to deeply focus on particular specific area what economist and linguist arguing about, but more on general issues of economic that become content respectively in these journals, that researcher feels exemplifies the existence of politeness strategies. 1.5 Scope and Limitation of The Study This present study will limit its data from selected journals released by economic associations from local and international to find out politeness strategies employed by the economists in two identified Economic journals, namely, Malaysia Journal of Economic Studies and the Journal of Economic Growth released by Malaysian Economic association and American economic association respectively. The corpus from those journal were chosen from the five year latest issues, start from 2004 until 2008 whereas this present study start it work. Here the study also limits its scope only on the content of the articles. The areas of Mathematical language, formula as well as footnote in the articles will be not included to analyze in this present study. 1.5 Theoretical Framework The present section presents the theoretical framework of the present study. Brown and Levinson (1987) have developed a theory of politeness to explain the nature of politeness phenomena in language. According to them, it is possible to define generic types of politeness strategies to explain and predict the adoption of politeness in oral or written discourse. Since the present study tries to focuses on the analyzing a politeness in written material that is academic journal both from local or international well known economic journals. The writer tries to use a formula that construct by Greg Myers (1989) in his articles â€Å"The Pragmatic Of Politeness In Scientific Articles† in line with what Brown and Levinson (1987) proposed in their book â€Å"Politeness; Some Universal in language Usage as underlying theoretical structure. Chapter.2 Review of Related Literature 2.0. Introduction The phenomenon of interest in politeness both social and linguistic has been significance increase over the last three decades as evidenced by the numbers of paper have appeared on the subject in international journal and monographs. The present research mostly, still based on Brown and Levinsons politeness theory (1978, 1987). The recent published literature on Brown and Levinsons model concerns two main aspects, which are the concept of politeness itself and the claims for universality on the one hand, and diverse criticism or modification of one of the elements of the model on the other; mainly the concepts of face, face-threatening act, and the factors that determine the production and interpretation of politeness, in the other hand. The notions of face, face threatening act (FTA) and politeness as well as the ways in which the phenomenon of politeness is realized in language usage have been extensively exploited who are concerned with linguistic pragmatics; Leech, 19983; Kasper, 1990; Brend 1978; Brown; 1988; Schmidt, 1980; Carrel and Konnoker, 1981; Ferguson, and many other scholars have explore the notions of face. Since the main focus of this present study is trying to put economic issues written by economist in economic journals related with politeness strategies as a main topic to discuss, the researcher in this chapter, will try to discuss about the theory of politeness, and explains about the terms related to the main topic, such as the different forms of face, FT[3]A and the factors seems to be interrelated in politeness system that also useful in studying politeness strategies in written material such as academic journal. 2.1 The Theory: A Brief Overview Brown and Levinsons (1978, 1987) theory of politeness has become the â€Å"model against which most research on politeness defines itself†. Central to BLs theory is the concept of face, as proposed by Goffman (1967) who defined face as: â€Å"†¦the positive social value of a person effectively claims for himself by the line others assume he has taken during a particular contact. Face is an image of self delineated in terms of approved social attributes -albeit an image that others might share, as when a person makes a good showing for his profession or religion by making a good showing for himself .(Goffman 1967: 5) BL define (1978:66) face as something that is emotionally invested and the face can be lost, maintained or enhanced and it must be constantly attended to in interaction, BL categorize politeness as either positive politeness or negative politeness and tie both strategies to the importance of face in every culture. They define ‘face as â€Å"the public self-image that every member wants to claim for himself† Furthermore The main focus of BL (Brown and Levinson)[4] study as part of the linguistic project of showing universals in language usage; They construct a system in which a model person is endowed with negative and positive face; and tie both strategies to the importance of face in every culture. They define ‘face as â€Å"the public self-image that every member wants to claim for himself† roughly the want to be unimpeded and the want to be approved of in certain respects (1987: 58). According to Brown and Levinson, â€Å"face wants† may consist of negative or positive face. When speakers appeal to positive face wants (i.e. the desire to be appreciated and approved of), they employ positive politeness language that emphasizes â€Å"in-group identity, shows concern, and seeks areas of agreement†. Compliments represent typical positive politeness strategies. When speakers appeal to negative face wants (i.e. the desire to be free from imposition and distraction), they use negative politeness strategies that seeks to reduce any imposition, such as apologies that represent the type negative politeness strategies. Further, basically in most situations, everyone seeks â€Å"to maintain each others face†. Thus, communicating effectively involves saving face-both for the speaker-identified by Brown and Levinson as (S) and for the addressee (H) or speaker and hearer. However, Brown and Levinson point out that S and H are mitigated by three other factors: power, social distance, and imposition. For example, S will speak more politely when the target (H) has more power than S, when the social distance between the two is great, and when the imposition is high. Before going further the following section tries to explain the first four politeness strategies of Brown and Levinsons with some examples, based on several studies done in the past that are related to the present study of politeness. Brown and Levinson identify five â€Å"super strategies† used to communicate. They list strategies from the most direct/impolite (bald-on-record) to the least direct/impolite (being silent). 2.1.1 Politeness Strategies According to Brown and Levinson (1978:65), certain acts can damage or threaten another persons face and these acts are referred to as face threatening acts (FTAs). An FTA[5] has the potential to damage the hearers positive or negative face or the act may damaged the spakers own positive or negative face. In order to reduce the possibility of damage to the hearers or the speakers face s/he may adopt certain strategies ; these strategies BL call politeness strategies (1978: 65). Politeness strategies can be divided into four main strategies: Bald-on-record, positive politeness, negative politeness and off-record strategies. Being polite therefore consists of attempting to save face for another, although all cultures have face as Brown and Levinson claim, all cultures do not maintain face in the same way. Brown and Levinson also claim that understanding cultural norms of politeness enables communicators to â€Å"make strong predictions† about communicating effectively within a culture, also politeness strategies are developed in order to save the hearers face. Face refers to the respect that an individual has for him or herself, and maintaining that self-esteem in public or in private situations. The functions are to avoid embarrassing the other person, or making them feel uncomfortable. Politeness strategies are developed for the main purpose of dealing with FTA. Next each of the strategies of BLs theory will be presented separately first Bald on record, then positive politeness, next negative politeness and finally off record strategies 2.1.1.1 Bald on record According to Brown and Levinson(1978: 74), Bald on record strategy is a direct way of saying things, without any minimisation to the imposition, in a direct, clear, unambiguous and concise way, for example â€Å"Do.X!†. Bl claim that the prime reason for bald on record usage may be stated simply: in general, whenever the speaker wants to do FTA with maximum efficiency more than s/he wants to satisfy hearers face, even to any degree, s/he will choose the bald on record strategy. There are different kinds of bald on record usage in different circumstances, because the speaker can have different motives for her/his want to do the FTA with minimum efficiency. The motives falls into two classes where the face threat is not minimised, where face is ignored or is irrelevant and 2) where in doing the FTA baldly on record, the speaker minimises face threats by implication. BL (1978: 100) Brown and Levinson (ibid,. 1978: 100) give examples of bald on record strategy and say that direct imperatives are clear examples of bald on record usage. Imperative are often softened with hedges or conventional politeness markers, eg: â€Å"please send us the offers†. Verb â€Å"do† is used with imperatives, like in â€Å"Do call us†. What BL call bald on record strategies might involve simply following the Gricean maxims, whereas politeness strategies would involve violating the maxims in specific way (Watss, Ide and Ehlich 1992:7) 2.1.1.2 Positive politeness Unlike negative politeness, Positive politeness is not necessarily redressive of the particular face infringed by the FTA; that is whereas in negative politeness the sphere of relevant redress is restricted to the imposition itself, in positive politeness the sphere of redress is widened to the appreciation of alters want in general or to the expression of similarity egos and alters want. The positive politeness is usually seen n groups of friends, or where people the given social situation know each other fairly well, it usually tries to minimize the distance between them, by expressing friendliness and solid interest in the hearers need to be expected (minimize FTA) According to Brown and Levinson (1978: 106) positive politeness is redress directed to the addressees positive face, his/her perennial desire to the his/her wants or actions acquisitions, values resulting from them -should be thought of as desirable. BL describe that the redress consists in partially satisfying that desire that ones own wants or some of them are in some respects similar to the addressees wants. BL also notes that unlike negative politeness, positive politeness is not necessarily redressive of the particular face want infringe by the FTA. In other words whereas in negative politeness the sphere of relevant redress is restricted to the imposition itself, in positive politeness the sphere of redress is widened to the appreciation of alters wants in general or to the expression of similarity between egos and alters wants . â€Å". . .the linguistic realizations of positive politeness are in many respects simply representative of the normal linguistic behaviour between intimates, where interest and approval of each others personality, presuppositions indicating shared wants and shared knowledge, implicit claims to reciprocity of obligations or to reflexivity of wants, etc. Are routinely exchanged. Perhaps the only feature that distinguishes positive politeness redress from normal everyday intimate language behaviour is an element of exaggeration; this serves as a marker of the face-redress aspect of positive politeness expression by indicating that even S cant with total sincerity say â€Å"I want your wants† he can at least sincerely indicate â€Å"I want your positive face to be satisfied Brown and Levinson (1978: 106) BL add the element of insincerity in exaggerated expressions of approval or interest [6] As in : â€Å"how absolutely marvellous and exquisite your roses are ,Mrs.Pete† is compensate for by the implication that the speaker really sincerely wants Mrs. Petes positive face to be enhanced. This perspectives of intimacy is interesting when considering articles in economic journal between authors and audiences is not usually very intimate and if it were, intimacy would be disregard while doing a scientific claim. In this sense, it could be expected that not many strategies of positive politeness would be used or are used rarely in article economic journals BL also explain that the association with intimate language usage gives the linguistic of positive politeness its redressive force. They claim that positive politeness utterances are used as a kind of metaphorical extensions of intimacy, to imply common ground or sharing of wants to a limited extension of intimacy, to imply common ground or sharing of wants to a limited extent even between strangers who perceive themselves for the purposes of the interaction as somehow similar. This is true when considering economic articles, in fact some times authors and audience[7] has similar knowledge in general or purpose in common. BL also point out that the positive politeness techniques are usable not only for FTA redress but in general as a kind of accelerator, where S, in using them, indicates s/he wants â€Å"to come closer† to H or audiences. BL divide positive politeness into three strategies; claiming the common ground, conveying that sender and receiver are co-operators and fulfilling receivers want. . 2.1.1.3 Negative Politeness When Brown and Levinson define negative politeness, they say that it is a redressive action addressed to the addressees negative face: addressees want to have addressees freedom of action unhindered and addressees attention unimpeded. Furthermore According to BL (1978:134) Negative politeness is the heart of respective behaviour, just as positive politeness is the kernel of â€Å"familiar† and â€Å"joking† behaviour. Negative politeness corresponds to the rituals of avoidance. Where positive politeness is free-ranging, negative politeness is specific and focused; it performs the function of minimizing the particular imposition that the FTA unavoidable effects, BL also argue that negative politeness is the kind of politeness used between acquaintances whereas positive politeness is used between closer friends. Negative politeness is the most elaborate and the most conventionalized set of linguistic strategies for FTA redress; it fills the etiquette books although positive politeness gets some attention. Further according to BL (1987: 135) the linguistic realization of negative politeness conventional indirectness, hedges on illocutionary force, polite pessimism[8], the emphasis on hearers relative power are very familiar and need no introduction. In addition , BL say that the negative politeness outputs are all forms usefull in general for social â€Å"distancing†[9]: they are therefore likely to be used whenever a speaker or sender wants to put a social brake on the course of interaction. BL, see five main categories as the linguistic realization of negative politeness; communicating senders want not to impinge the receiver, not coercing receiver, not presuming/assuming, being (conventionally in) direct and redressing receivers wants. 2.1.1.4 Off Record Brown and Levinsons (1978:216) define off record strategy as a communicative act which is done in such a way that is not possible to attribute one clear communicative intention to the act. In this case the actor leaves her/himself an â€Å"out† by providing her/himself with a number of defensible interpretations, s/he cannot be held to have a committed himself to just one particular interpretation of her/his act. In other words, BL claim, the actor leaves it up to the addressee to decided how to interpret act. Further, BL continue that such off record utterances are essential indirect uses of language. One says something that is either more general (contains less information in the sense that it rules out fewer possible states of affairs) or actually different from what one means (intend to be understood). BL continue claim that in both cases the hearer must make some inference to recover what was in fact intended. For example, if somebody says: â€Å"it is hot in here†, the hidden meaning of the utterance can be request to open the window or to switch on the fan. BL, (1978: 230-232), list inviting conversational implicatures as one main strategy of off record-ness and its subcategories are; giving hints, giving association clues, presupposing, understating, overstating, using tautologies, using contradictions, being ironic, using metaphors, and using rhetorical question. The other main strategy of going off record is being vague or ambiguous and its subcategories are being ambiguous, being vague, over-generalising, displacing hearer and being incomplete. 2.1.2 Face Politeness theory states that some speech acts threaten others face needs. The concept of face has come to play an important role in politeness theory. Brown and Levinson, for example, have chosen it as the central notion for their study of universals in language usage and politeness phenomena (1978, 1987). Brown and Levinson says that they have derived the notion of face from Ervin Goffman in social interaction. Our notion of face is derived from that of Goffman and from the English folk term, which ties up face notions of being embarrassed or humiliated, or losing face. Thus face is something that is emotionally invested, and that can be lost, maintained or enhanced, and must be constantly attended to in interaction. In general, people cooperate (and assume each others cooperation) in maintaining face in interaction, such cooperation being based on the mutual vulnerability of face (1987:63) In 1963, Erving Goffman published the article On Face Work where he first created the term â€Å"face.† He discusses face in reference to how people present themselves in social situations and that our entire reality is constructed through our social interactions. Face is a mask that changes depending on the audience and the social interaction (Goffman, 1967). Face is maintained by the audience, not by the speaker. We strive to maintain the face we have created in social situations. Face is broken down by Goffman into two different categories. Positive face is the desire of being seen as a good human being and negative face is the desire to remain autonomous. Moreover he argues that there is a limited amount of strategies to maintain face. Face in communicative events is a universal concept, but it is employed in culture specific ways. It is defined in psychological, philosophical and symbolic terms, â€Å"the term face may be defined as the positive social value a person effectively claims for himself by the line others assume s/he has taken during a particular contact†. Face generally involves interlocutors mutual recognition as social members of a society. Face can be lost, maintained, or enhanced and must be constantly attended to in interaction. Brown and Levinson (1978; 1987), presented politeness as a formal theoretical construct based on earlier work on face by sociologist Goffman, (1963) as already mentioned above, BL said that we are all motivated by two desires: (positive face), and (negative face). The working definition and examples on both negative and positive face presented below. 2.1.2.1 Negative Face The negative face is the maintenance and defence of ones territory and freedom from imposition. The negative face is an inalienable. Negative face is the desire to be autonomous and not to infringe on the other person. Negative politeness is designed to protect the other person when negative face needs are threatened. Thus there are different strategies to handle face threatening acts and these strategies are put into a hierarchy of effectiveness. 2.1.2.2 Positive Face The positive face, on the other hand, is the claim for the recognition and appropriate validation of ones social self-image or personality. The positive face is the want of every member that his wants be desirable to at least some other members of the society. Also is the desire to be liked and appreciated. Positive politeness is designed to meet the face needs by performing an action like complimenting or showing concern for another person (Held 1989 and ODriscoll 1996) 2.1.2.3. FTA Holtgraves and Yang (1992) defines politeness as phrasing ones remarks so as to minimize face threat. Here, Face Threatening Act (FTA) is acts like promises, apologies, expressing thanks, ven non verbal acts such as stumbling, falling down or any utterance that intrinsically threatens anothers face (positive or negative) and includes disagreement, criticism, orders, delivery of bad news, and request. For examples; simple request threaten the targets negative face because the targets compliance with the request interferers with his/her desire to remain autonomous. Criticism threatens his/her desire for approval Furthermore, Brown and Levinson (1987) propose that when confronted with the need to perform a FTA, the individual must choose between performing the FTA in the most direct and efficient manner, or attempting to mitigate the effect of the FTA on the hearers positive/negative face. The mitigation strategies are what BL labelled as politeness strategies. 2.1.3 Politeness Systems Since Goffmans (1967) work, politeness has become one of the most active areas of research in language use. The literature on the subject is mammoth-like, the research on politeness falls into three categories: (1) work that constructs theories of politeness, such as Lakoff (1973, 1977), Brown and Levinson (1987), Leech (1983), Fraser (1990), and Escandell-Vidal (1996); (2) work that investigates cultural- specific concepts and strategies of politeness, such as Hill et al. (1986), Gu (1992), Lindenfeld (1990), and Sherzer (1983); (3) work that applies existing theories to data from various cultures, such as Chen (1993, 1996), Garcia (1989), Rhodes (1989), and Holmes (1990). Although these researchers differ in important ways, they share a common focus on politeness system, that specific factors influence the adoption of strategies. Similar with Scollon and Scollon (1981) proposed the face relationships into three politeness systems namely; Difference, solidarity and hierarchical. An explanation on those politeness systems presented below. 2.1 Linguistic Politeness Study Linguistic Politeness Study Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION Over the last three decades, politeness has become one of the central discussions in pragmatic and sociolinguistic researches. A large number of theoretical, empirical books and articles about linguistic politeness that have been published, shows that politeness has become one of the most active areas of research in language use. Although the interest of politeness in both social and linguistic phenomenon significantly increased, many recent studies choose to drawn on conversational data, it was surprised that is only small numbers of scholars focused to study politeness in written text such as scientific written text rather than on conversational data recently. Even though the main stream of linguistic politeness is generally associated with social behaviour as strategic conflict avoidance, and the major concept of politeness theory is an arrangement of politeness strategies along a continuum from least polite to most polite, also allows them to engage in conflict-free communication, and it usually found in the study of conversational using speaker-hearer model of interactions. Many scholars do not realize that this politeness model also can be extended to other medium not only through verbal communication but also in a written material in terms of the interactions of the or authors and audiences in scientific texts. Furthermore, the advances of politeness models to some genres of scientific written texts is somehow interesting and in the other hand complex field to study. Greg Myers[1] (1989) in his study found that the model proposed by Brown and Levinson was very useful to explain how he interpret some construction of the norm of scientific culture found in writing, particularly academic writing. Brown and Levinson (1978/1987) present their study as part of the linguistic project of showing universals in language usage; the striking parallels in politeness devices between three unrelated languages shows that while the expressions of politeness may vary enormously from one culture to another, and the basic hierarchy of politeness strategies is not a culture specific. Brown and Levinsons (1987: 58) constructed a system in which a model person is endowed with negative and positive face; roughly the want to be unimpeded and the want to be approved of in certain respects. The model person also has a rational faculty for choosing the course of action that will give the highest pay-off with the least loss of face, evaluating three variables; the social distances (D); the relative difference in power between the speaker and hearer (P); the rank of imposition (R). These three basic variables seem still affective to help understanding the interactions of politeness between writers and readers in written text. Brown and Levinsons (BL) theory has been extensively used and also criticised. Although most of the scholars that studied politeness are agree that specific factors like power, social distance or status, influence the adoption of strategies, it is still difficult to provide definite conclusions. Moreover, by using Myers â€Å"room of thinking† above that linked to what Brown and Levinson had proposed in their study, this research tries to focus on the politeness strategies employed by the economists authors in academic journals, by concerning that at this time academic journals had reached a fabulous numbers both digital and printing material and also become a major references by scholars all over the world. On the other hand, the scholars that deeply focused to study the academic journals in the pragmatics or discourse analysis area says; politeness its still rare. By viewing that chances the researcher hopes that this study is able to contribute to the existing pool of knowledge on politeness strategies used in academic writing, particularly which in the writing of economic journal articles of two identified economic journals. 1.1 Statements of the Problem Started in the early 1950s, Schuler studied about the politeness in Germany and Goffman studied on â€Å"face work† in 1955. Nowadays, the study about politeness has become one of the major areas of pragmatics or sociolinguistics. Classical theories of linguistic politeness clarifies such as Lakoff (1973, 1977), Brown and Levinson (1987), Leech (1983) agree that linguistic politeness can be used as a strategic conflict avoidance. Linguistic politeness not only was applied by many people via verbal communication but also through the medium of written material both in academic or non academic fields, politeness persuasion in journal writing as a genre in academic writing somehow in line with the demands of the academic community that expects scientific language to be objective and formal. Further, the use of politeness persuasion or strategies in journal issues by particular people from different culture background, age and economic basic education is interesting field to discuss. Based on that statement above the main purposes of this study beyond the limits of this paper, to give an exhaustive overview of politeness-related research are to identify sort of politeness strategies employed by economist authors and analyze the politeness kinds of strategies in economic journal articles both local and international economic journal. 1.2 Objective of the Study In recent years there has been a steady increase in interest and research into economics discourse by both economists and linguists which has spawned an expanding body of work. The nature of this work in part reflects not only the varied academic backgrounds of the writers, but also the evolutionary development of linguistics in general and its sub-discipline of discourse analysis in particular. This body of work is not only in hope succeeding clarify many of the ways that economists use language to express themselves in polite way, but also can be use to help the public to understand the politeness style of writing from the economist in the scientific text. Furthermore based on the explanation above, this present study tried focused in identify politeness strategies employed by authors of economic journal communities both local and international economic journals, by proposing the objectives below; 1. To investigate how economists use language to present findings in polite way 2. To investigates the use of politeness strategies in economics text 3. To compare the use of politeness strategies in a local and international economic journals 1.3 Research Question Brown and Levinson (1987) have developed a theory of politeness to explain the nature of politeness phenomena in language. Through this exploratory study, the researcher will focus on the existence of linguistic politeness in economic articles. For this purpose the researcher study the selected local and international economic journals. The researcher focused on specific areas in these journals that the researcher feels exemplifies the existence of politeness strategies. Based on the explanation above, the present study aims to answer the following question: 1. What kinds of politeness strategies are employed by authors in local and international economic journal articles? 2. In what ways are local and international journals similar or different in the use of politeness strategies? 1.4 Significance of the study Politeness has become one of the fields of research to which more attention has been devoted in the last two decades. The connections of politeness studies with other domains, such as sociolinguistics, socio pragmatics, ethnography of communication, second language teaching/acquisition or conversational analysis, have definitely contributed to this growing interest and its exploratory study, the researcher choose to focus on the existence of politeness strategies n economic journals. Since the early 1980s, the discussion of various controversial issues in the economics discourse community has led to increasing debate among concerned economists about the ways that they communicate with each other, as well as with non-economists. Royce (1995) in his paper[2] mentions that; Although economics is considered to be a science and its language is often close to scientific language, within evidence the texts are often complemented by graphs. The influence of literary discourse is predominant. In 1986, Donald McCloskey published The Rhetoric of Economics and republished in 1998. McCloskey considers economic discourse as a language comprised of tropes; a word or phrase used in a sense not proper to it, tales and other rhetorical devices that are literary and rhetorical or persuasive rather than scientific or natural†. The specific aim of this research also to show that was an increasing awareness of the nature of economics discourse by both applied linguists and economists, For the purposes above, the research studies one locally and one international economic journal, published by economic associations from Malaysia and USA. This research try not to deeply focus on particular specific area what economist and linguist arguing about, but more on general issues of economic that become content respectively in these journals, that researcher feels exemplifies the existence of politeness strategies. 1.5 Scope and Limitation of The Study This present study will limit its data from selected journals released by economic associations from local and international to find out politeness strategies employed by the economists in two identified Economic journals, namely, Malaysia Journal of Economic Studies and the Journal of Economic Growth released by Malaysian Economic association and American economic association respectively. The corpus from those journal were chosen from the five year latest issues, start from 2004 until 2008 whereas this present study start it work. Here the study also limits its scope only on the content of the articles. The areas of Mathematical language, formula as well as footnote in the articles will be not included to analyze in this present study. 1.5 Theoretical Framework The present section presents the theoretical framework of the present study. Brown and Levinson (1987) have developed a theory of politeness to explain the nature of politeness phenomena in language. According to them, it is possible to define generic types of politeness strategies to explain and predict the adoption of politeness in oral or written discourse. Since the present study tries to focuses on the analyzing a politeness in written material that is academic journal both from local or international well known economic journals. The writer tries to use a formula that construct by Greg Myers (1989) in his articles â€Å"The Pragmatic Of Politeness In Scientific Articles† in line with what Brown and Levinson (1987) proposed in their book â€Å"Politeness; Some Universal in language Usage as underlying theoretical structure. Chapter.2 Review of Related Literature 2.0. Introduction The phenomenon of interest in politeness both social and linguistic has been significance increase over the last three decades as evidenced by the numbers of paper have appeared on the subject in international journal and monographs. The present research mostly, still based on Brown and Levinsons politeness theory (1978, 1987). The recent published literature on Brown and Levinsons model concerns two main aspects, which are the concept of politeness itself and the claims for universality on the one hand, and diverse criticism or modification of one of the elements of the model on the other; mainly the concepts of face, face-threatening act, and the factors that determine the production and interpretation of politeness, in the other hand. The notions of face, face threatening act (FTA) and politeness as well as the ways in which the phenomenon of politeness is realized in language usage have been extensively exploited who are concerned with linguistic pragmatics; Leech, 19983; Kasper, 1990; Brend 1978; Brown; 1988; Schmidt, 1980; Carrel and Konnoker, 1981; Ferguson, and many other scholars have explore the notions of face. Since the main focus of this present study is trying to put economic issues written by economist in economic journals related with politeness strategies as a main topic to discuss, the researcher in this chapter, will try to discuss about the theory of politeness, and explains about the terms related to the main topic, such as the different forms of face, FT[3]A and the factors seems to be interrelated in politeness system that also useful in studying politeness strategies in written material such as academic journal. 2.1 The Theory: A Brief Overview Brown and Levinsons (1978, 1987) theory of politeness has become the â€Å"model against which most research on politeness defines itself†. Central to BLs theory is the concept of face, as proposed by Goffman (1967) who defined face as: â€Å"†¦the positive social value of a person effectively claims for himself by the line others assume he has taken during a particular contact. Face is an image of self delineated in terms of approved social attributes -albeit an image that others might share, as when a person makes a good showing for his profession or religion by making a good showing for himself .(Goffman 1967: 5) BL define (1978:66) face as something that is emotionally invested and the face can be lost, maintained or enhanced and it must be constantly attended to in interaction, BL categorize politeness as either positive politeness or negative politeness and tie both strategies to the importance of face in every culture. They define ‘face as â€Å"the public self-image that every member wants to claim for himself† Furthermore The main focus of BL (Brown and Levinson)[4] study as part of the linguistic project of showing universals in language usage; They construct a system in which a model person is endowed with negative and positive face; and tie both strategies to the importance of face in every culture. They define ‘face as â€Å"the public self-image that every member wants to claim for himself† roughly the want to be unimpeded and the want to be approved of in certain respects (1987: 58). According to Brown and Levinson, â€Å"face wants† may consist of negative or positive face. When speakers appeal to positive face wants (i.e. the desire to be appreciated and approved of), they employ positive politeness language that emphasizes â€Å"in-group identity, shows concern, and seeks areas of agreement†. Compliments represent typical positive politeness strategies. When speakers appeal to negative face wants (i.e. the desire to be free from imposition and distraction), they use negative politeness strategies that seeks to reduce any imposition, such as apologies that represent the type negative politeness strategies. Further, basically in most situations, everyone seeks â€Å"to maintain each others face†. Thus, communicating effectively involves saving face-both for the speaker-identified by Brown and Levinson as (S) and for the addressee (H) or speaker and hearer. However, Brown and Levinson point out that S and H are mitigated by three other factors: power, social distance, and imposition. For example, S will speak more politely when the target (H) has more power than S, when the social distance between the two is great, and when the imposition is high. Before going further the following section tries to explain the first four politeness strategies of Brown and Levinsons with some examples, based on several studies done in the past that are related to the present study of politeness. Brown and Levinson identify five â€Å"super strategies† used to communicate. They list strategies from the most direct/impolite (bald-on-record) to the least direct/impolite (being silent). 2.1.1 Politeness Strategies According to Brown and Levinson (1978:65), certain acts can damage or threaten another persons face and these acts are referred to as face threatening acts (FTAs). An FTA[5] has the potential to damage the hearers positive or negative face or the act may damaged the spakers own positive or negative face. In order to reduce the possibility of damage to the hearers or the speakers face s/he may adopt certain strategies ; these strategies BL call politeness strategies (1978: 65). Politeness strategies can be divided into four main strategies: Bald-on-record, positive politeness, negative politeness and off-record strategies. Being polite therefore consists of attempting to save face for another, although all cultures have face as Brown and Levinson claim, all cultures do not maintain face in the same way. Brown and Levinson also claim that understanding cultural norms of politeness enables communicators to â€Å"make strong predictions† about communicating effectively within a culture, also politeness strategies are developed in order to save the hearers face. Face refers to the respect that an individual has for him or herself, and maintaining that self-esteem in public or in private situations. The functions are to avoid embarrassing the other person, or making them feel uncomfortable. Politeness strategies are developed for the main purpose of dealing with FTA. Next each of the strategies of BLs theory will be presented separately first Bald on record, then positive politeness, next negative politeness and finally off record strategies 2.1.1.1 Bald on record According to Brown and Levinson(1978: 74), Bald on record strategy is a direct way of saying things, without any minimisation to the imposition, in a direct, clear, unambiguous and concise way, for example â€Å"Do.X!†. Bl claim that the prime reason for bald on record usage may be stated simply: in general, whenever the speaker wants to do FTA with maximum efficiency more than s/he wants to satisfy hearers face, even to any degree, s/he will choose the bald on record strategy. There are different kinds of bald on record usage in different circumstances, because the speaker can have different motives for her/his want to do the FTA with minimum efficiency. The motives falls into two classes where the face threat is not minimised, where face is ignored or is irrelevant and 2) where in doing the FTA baldly on record, the speaker minimises face threats by implication. BL (1978: 100) Brown and Levinson (ibid,. 1978: 100) give examples of bald on record strategy and say that direct imperatives are clear examples of bald on record usage. Imperative are often softened with hedges or conventional politeness markers, eg: â€Å"please send us the offers†. Verb â€Å"do† is used with imperatives, like in â€Å"Do call us†. What BL call bald on record strategies might involve simply following the Gricean maxims, whereas politeness strategies would involve violating the maxims in specific way (Watss, Ide and Ehlich 1992:7) 2.1.1.2 Positive politeness Unlike negative politeness, Positive politeness is not necessarily redressive of the particular face infringed by the FTA; that is whereas in negative politeness the sphere of relevant redress is restricted to the imposition itself, in positive politeness the sphere of redress is widened to the appreciation of alters want in general or to the expression of similarity egos and alters want. The positive politeness is usually seen n groups of friends, or where people the given social situation know each other fairly well, it usually tries to minimize the distance between them, by expressing friendliness and solid interest in the hearers need to be expected (minimize FTA) According to Brown and Levinson (1978: 106) positive politeness is redress directed to the addressees positive face, his/her perennial desire to the his/her wants or actions acquisitions, values resulting from them -should be thought of as desirable. BL describe that the redress consists in partially satisfying that desire that ones own wants or some of them are in some respects similar to the addressees wants. BL also notes that unlike negative politeness, positive politeness is not necessarily redressive of the particular face want infringe by the FTA. In other words whereas in negative politeness the sphere of relevant redress is restricted to the imposition itself, in positive politeness the sphere of redress is widened to the appreciation of alters wants in general or to the expression of similarity between egos and alters wants . â€Å". . .the linguistic realizations of positive politeness are in many respects simply representative of the normal linguistic behaviour between intimates, where interest and approval of each others personality, presuppositions indicating shared wants and shared knowledge, implicit claims to reciprocity of obligations or to reflexivity of wants, etc. Are routinely exchanged. Perhaps the only feature that distinguishes positive politeness redress from normal everyday intimate language behaviour is an element of exaggeration; this serves as a marker of the face-redress aspect of positive politeness expression by indicating that even S cant with total sincerity say â€Å"I want your wants† he can at least sincerely indicate â€Å"I want your positive face to be satisfied Brown and Levinson (1978: 106) BL add the element of insincerity in exaggerated expressions of approval or interest [6] As in : â€Å"how absolutely marvellous and exquisite your roses are ,Mrs.Pete† is compensate for by the implication that the speaker really sincerely wants Mrs. Petes positive face to be enhanced. This perspectives of intimacy is interesting when considering articles in economic journal between authors and audiences is not usually very intimate and if it were, intimacy would be disregard while doing a scientific claim. In this sense, it could be expected that not many strategies of positive politeness would be used or are used rarely in article economic journals BL also explain that the association with intimate language usage gives the linguistic of positive politeness its redressive force. They claim that positive politeness utterances are used as a kind of metaphorical extensions of intimacy, to imply common ground or sharing of wants to a limited extension of intimacy, to imply common ground or sharing of wants to a limited extent even between strangers who perceive themselves for the purposes of the interaction as somehow similar. This is true when considering economic articles, in fact some times authors and audience[7] has similar knowledge in general or purpose in common. BL also point out that the positive politeness techniques are usable not only for FTA redress but in general as a kind of accelerator, where S, in using them, indicates s/he wants â€Å"to come closer† to H or audiences. BL divide positive politeness into three strategies; claiming the common ground, conveying that sender and receiver are co-operators and fulfilling receivers want. . 2.1.1.3 Negative Politeness When Brown and Levinson define negative politeness, they say that it is a redressive action addressed to the addressees negative face: addressees want to have addressees freedom of action unhindered and addressees attention unimpeded. Furthermore According to BL (1978:134) Negative politeness is the heart of respective behaviour, just as positive politeness is the kernel of â€Å"familiar† and â€Å"joking† behaviour. Negative politeness corresponds to the rituals of avoidance. Where positive politeness is free-ranging, negative politeness is specific and focused; it performs the function of minimizing the particular imposition that the FTA unavoidable effects, BL also argue that negative politeness is the kind of politeness used between acquaintances whereas positive politeness is used between closer friends. Negative politeness is the most elaborate and the most conventionalized set of linguistic strategies for FTA redress; it fills the etiquette books although positive politeness gets some attention. Further according to BL (1987: 135) the linguistic realization of negative politeness conventional indirectness, hedges on illocutionary force, polite pessimism[8], the emphasis on hearers relative power are very familiar and need no introduction. In addition , BL say that the negative politeness outputs are all forms usefull in general for social â€Å"distancing†[9]: they are therefore likely to be used whenever a speaker or sender wants to put a social brake on the course of interaction. BL, see five main categories as the linguistic realization of negative politeness; communicating senders want not to impinge the receiver, not coercing receiver, not presuming/assuming, being (conventionally in) direct and redressing receivers wants. 2.1.1.4 Off Record Brown and Levinsons (1978:216) define off record strategy as a communicative act which is done in such a way that is not possible to attribute one clear communicative intention to the act. In this case the actor leaves her/himself an â€Å"out† by providing her/himself with a number of defensible interpretations, s/he cannot be held to have a committed himself to just one particular interpretation of her/his act. In other words, BL claim, the actor leaves it up to the addressee to decided how to interpret act. Further, BL continue that such off record utterances are essential indirect uses of language. One says something that is either more general (contains less information in the sense that it rules out fewer possible states of affairs) or actually different from what one means (intend to be understood). BL continue claim that in both cases the hearer must make some inference to recover what was in fact intended. For example, if somebody says: â€Å"it is hot in here†, the hidden meaning of the utterance can be request to open the window or to switch on the fan. BL, (1978: 230-232), list inviting conversational implicatures as one main strategy of off record-ness and its subcategories are; giving hints, giving association clues, presupposing, understating, overstating, using tautologies, using contradictions, being ironic, using metaphors, and using rhetorical question. The other main strategy of going off record is being vague or ambiguous and its subcategories are being ambiguous, being vague, over-generalising, displacing hearer and being incomplete. 2.1.2 Face Politeness theory states that some speech acts threaten others face needs. The concept of face has come to play an important role in politeness theory. Brown and Levinson, for example, have chosen it as the central notion for their study of universals in language usage and politeness phenomena (1978, 1987). Brown and Levinson says that they have derived the notion of face from Ervin Goffman in social interaction. Our notion of face is derived from that of Goffman and from the English folk term, which ties up face notions of being embarrassed or humiliated, or losing face. Thus face is something that is emotionally invested, and that can be lost, maintained or enhanced, and must be constantly attended to in interaction. In general, people cooperate (and assume each others cooperation) in maintaining face in interaction, such cooperation being based on the mutual vulnerability of face (1987:63) In 1963, Erving Goffman published the article On Face Work where he first created the term â€Å"face.† He discusses face in reference to how people present themselves in social situations and that our entire reality is constructed through our social interactions. Face is a mask that changes depending on the audience and the social interaction (Goffman, 1967). Face is maintained by the audience, not by the speaker. We strive to maintain the face we have created in social situations. Face is broken down by Goffman into two different categories. Positive face is the desire of being seen as a good human being and negative face is the desire to remain autonomous. Moreover he argues that there is a limited amount of strategies to maintain face. Face in communicative events is a universal concept, but it is employed in culture specific ways. It is defined in psychological, philosophical and symbolic terms, â€Å"the term face may be defined as the positive social value a person effectively claims for himself by the line others assume s/he has taken during a particular contact†. Face generally involves interlocutors mutual recognition as social members of a society. Face can be lost, maintained, or enhanced and must be constantly attended to in interaction. Brown and Levinson (1978; 1987), presented politeness as a formal theoretical construct based on earlier work on face by sociologist Goffman, (1963) as already mentioned above, BL said that we are all motivated by two desires: (positive face), and (negative face). The working definition and examples on both negative and positive face presented below. 2.1.2.1 Negative Face The negative face is the maintenance and defence of ones territory and freedom from imposition. The negative face is an inalienable. Negative face is the desire to be autonomous and not to infringe on the other person. Negative politeness is designed to protect the other person when negative face needs are threatened. Thus there are different strategies to handle face threatening acts and these strategies are put into a hierarchy of effectiveness. 2.1.2.2 Positive Face The positive face, on the other hand, is the claim for the recognition and appropriate validation of ones social self-image or personality. The positive face is the want of every member that his wants be desirable to at least some other members of the society. Also is the desire to be liked and appreciated. Positive politeness is designed to meet the face needs by performing an action like complimenting or showing concern for another person (Held 1989 and ODriscoll 1996) 2.1.2.3. FTA Holtgraves and Yang (1992) defines politeness as phrasing ones remarks so as to minimize face threat. Here, Face Threatening Act (FTA) is acts like promises, apologies, expressing thanks, ven non verbal acts such as stumbling, falling down or any utterance that intrinsically threatens anothers face (positive or negative) and includes disagreement, criticism, orders, delivery of bad news, and request. For examples; simple request threaten the targets negative face because the targets compliance with the request interferers with his/her desire to remain autonomous. Criticism threatens his/her desire for approval Furthermore, Brown and Levinson (1987) propose that when confronted with the need to perform a FTA, the individual must choose between performing the FTA in the most direct and efficient manner, or attempting to mitigate the effect of the FTA on the hearers positive/negative face. The mitigation strategies are what BL labelled as politeness strategies. 2.1.3 Politeness Systems Since Goffmans (1967) work, politeness has become one of the most active areas of research in language use. The literature on the subject is mammoth-like, the research on politeness falls into three categories: (1) work that constructs theories of politeness, such as Lakoff (1973, 1977), Brown and Levinson (1987), Leech (1983), Fraser (1990), and Escandell-Vidal (1996); (2) work that investigates cultural- specific concepts and strategies of politeness, such as Hill et al. (1986), Gu (1992), Lindenfeld (1990), and Sherzer (1983); (3) work that applies existing theories to data from various cultures, such as Chen (1993, 1996), Garcia (1989), Rhodes (1989), and Holmes (1990). Although these researchers differ in important ways, they share a common focus on politeness system, that specific factors influence the adoption of strategies. Similar with Scollon and Scollon (1981) proposed the face relationships into three politeness systems namely; Difference, solidarity and hierarchical. An explanation on those politeness systems presented below. 2.1

Unity of a Family Explored in The Grapes of Wrath Essay -- The Grapes o

Unity of a Family Explored in The Grapes of Wrath One would say that on a literal level The Grapes of Wrath by John Steinbeck is about the Joad family's journey to California during The Dust Bowl. However, it is also about the unity of a family and the concept of birth and death, both literal and abstract. Along with this, the idea of a family unit is explored through these births and deaths. As can be seen in The Grapes of Wrath, the Joads are a very tight-knit family. Yet on their trip to California, they experience many losses and additions to their family. In general, Steinbeck's novel abides by the circle of life. When a birth occurs, a death follows, and when a death occurs, a birth follows. However, in The Grapes of Wrath, the number of deaths outweighs the number of births as a way to show the negative impacts of The Dust Bowl. The first birth in the novel occurs in Chapter Eight when Tom Joad returns from jail to his family. Prior to Tom's homecoming, Ma Joad had been deeply concerned about making the journey to California without him, because she did not want the family to break up before the start of their journey even occurred. The idea of Tom Joad returning at this point is considered a birth because the Joad family is now complete. This starts the novel giving the reader a better sense of the closeness of the Joad family. In addition, the first reference to death occurs in Chapter Ten. Grampa decides that he does not want to leave his land and go out west. "'This here's my country. I b'long here...I ain't a-goin'. This country ain't no good, but it's my country'" (152). Once again, as to not split up the family, Ma Joad drugs Grampa in order for the family to place him on the tru... ...by that Rose of Sharon delivers in Chapter Thirty. One would believe that when Rose of Sharon delivers her dead baby, it is a sign that all hope is lost because it breaks the circle of life. However, Steinbeck ends The Grapes of Wrath on a somewhat uplifting note by incorporating one last birth. At the end of the novel, Rose of Sharon gives life to a dying old man by letting him drink the breast milk that she would have used in order to feed her own baby. "She looked up and across the barn, and her lips came together and smiled mysteriously" (619). In conclusion, The Grapes of Wrath may appear, on surface level, to be a novel about an Oklahoma family's trip to California during the Dust Bowl. Instead, when looked at more deeply, The Grapes of Wrath is found to be a story about the circle of life and the way that a family stays together through this cycle.

Social Learning Theory Psychology

In the field of Psychology, learning theories are there to attempt to explain how people think and what factors ultimately influence their behavior (ETR, 2007). There are various types of learning theories which all include different concepts and approaches to distinguish an understanding of human behavior and thought (ETR, 2007). The social learning theory (SLT) is just one of many theories which fall under the category of learning theories.The social learning theory, which is also commonly known as social cognitive theory, is justified in the belief that human behavior is determined by a triangular effect relationship between environmental influences, cognitive factors, and behavior (ETR, 2007). To have a proper understanding of the social learning theory, one needs to have been adequately briefed in the major contributors of the theory, a thorough description of what the theory entails, assumptions about the theory, and the developmental process and practice which has previously a nd currently taken place. Accomplishment is socially judged by ill defined criteria so that one has to rely on others to find out how one is doing (Kearsley, 2008). † This was stated by Albert Bandura, who is one of the two major contributors to the social learning theory. Bandura was born the youngest and only male of six siblings on December 4, 1925, in Mundare, Canada (Pajares, 2004). Fast-forwarding through his childhood, Bandura eventually found himself attending the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, Canada. His happening to fall into psychology was simply a fluke for him, for he was planning to get a degree in the biological sciences (Pajares, 2004). Bandura carpooled with peers to school who were all majors in engineering and pre-med, which entailed them to have early morning classes (Pajares, 2004). To fill his workload, Bandura had an open-morning spot to fill on his roster, which is where he fell into an introduction to psychology course (Pajares, 2004). He was instantly intrigued, which led him on his path to becoming one of the great contributors to this field. In 1949, he graduated with the Bolocan Award in psychology from the University of British Columbia (Pajares, 2004). His next task was to knock down graduate school, where he attended at the University of Iowa and received his Ph. D. in clinical psychology in 1952 (Pajares, 2004). Starting already in 1953, Bandura found himself teaching at Stanford University where he came across a well-educated student by the name of Richard Walters (Pajares, 2004). The two found themselves equally interested in the studies of explaining antisocial aggression in young males who came from wholesome households in upper-class residential areas in comparison to demonstrating that multiple opposing conditions may lead to behavioral problems (Pajares, 2004). This particular study led Bandura and Walters to co-write a book, Adolescent Aggression, in 1959 (Pajares, 2004). From there, Bandura wrote a chain of numerous books dealing with the social learning theory. Later he became a found member and elected President of the American Psychological Association in 1973 (Pajares, 2004). The second major contributor to the social learning theory came from a man by the name of Lev Vygotsky. Vygotsky was a Russian psychologist who was born in 1896 (Gallagher, 1999). Vygotsky was said to be a connoisseur of literature and philosophy (Gallagher, 1999). He attended the University of Moscow, where he studied and received a degree in law (Gallagher, 1999). It was not until 1924 when Vygotsky became interested in psychology (Gallagher, 1999). He had written a paper, The Psychology of Art, in 1925 which he used primarily in his thesis at the Moscow Institute of Psychology. Between the years of 1924-1934, before his death due to Tuberculosis, is when all his psychology work was practiced (Gallagher, 1999). In those 10 years of research and study of psychology, Vygotsky became an active follower of the sociocultural theory which suggests that development of a child relies on interaction with people and the tools or resources that the culture provides to help form their personal view of the world (Gallagher, 1999). The social learning theory (SLT), among others, is one of the most commonly used models currently. SLT is not a horribly complex model, for it is based around the interactions made from one another through observations, imitations, and modeling (Learning, 2008). Due to the fact that the SLT encompasses attention, memory, and motivation, it is said to be a bridge for psychologists between behaviorists and cognitive learning (Learning, 2008). The SLT focuses on the prospect that people learn through observing other people’s behaviors, attitudes, and outcomes of those behaviors observed (Learning, 2008). The social learning theory has three basic principles which make the breakdown of the theory very clear. The first principle is that people can learn through observation (Boeree, 2006). Bandura had conducted a well-known experiment known as the â€Å"Bobo Doll Study† (Boeree, 2006). In this study, Bandura had a set of dolls to which adult figures would interact with, in terms of gentle and/or aggressive behavior while children observed. Later, children were let into the room and were allowed to play with the same set of dolls that the adults had previously used. From observational learning, the children themselves inflicted the same type of behavior that the adults previously did. The children who observed a gentle act toward the Bobo doll reacted in the same way to pursue a more calm and loving affect toward the doll. In contrast, the children who observed aggressive behavior toward the Bobo doll also copied the same behavior of aggression toward the doll (Boeree, 2006). Bandura came up with three basic models of observational learning through conducting this study (Boeree, 2006). The first model is a live model. This involves an actual human individual who is acting out or demonstrating a particular behavior (Boeree, 2006). The second model is the verbal instructional approach. This involves giving the description and directions to acting out a certain behavior (Boeree, 2006). The third and last model is the symbolic model. This encompasses real of fictional characters. These characters are set to display behaviors in books, television, movies, or online media (Boeree, 2006). The second of the three basic principles is mental states are important to learning (Boeree, 2006). In greater detail, this involves and contributes to intrinsic reinforcement. Bandura was the contributor to this that previously noted that external, environmental reinforcement was not the only factor to influence learning and behavior (Boeree, 2006). This is where the idea of intrinsic reinforcement comes into place. This type of reinforcement is internal, which can include feelings of satisfaction, pride, and sense of accomplishment (Boeree, 2006). This is how the term of â€Å"social cognitive theory† correlates directly with the social learning theory. These types of reinforcements emphasize the internal thoughts and cognitions to help cooperate with theories of cognitive development (Boeree, 2006). The last of the three basic principles is that learning does not necessarily lead to change in behavior (Boeree, 2006). This means that observational learning does not define all observed behaviors; not all behaviors must be and are acting on (Boeree, 2006). One can learn something through observation without demonstrating the new information attained. These three main principles paved the way for more of Bandura’s work in the SLT, and the introduction to specific modeling process. The modeling process consists of four primary steps which lead to the development of understanding social learning theory. The first step is known by the word of â€Å"Attention† (Learning, 2008). This concept states that in order for an individual to learn, they have to be paying attention. It is possible for distractions of course, but anything that distracts one is going to ultimately have a negative effect on the observational learning taking place (Learning, 2008). A few examples of distractions could include being sleepy, groggy, sick, nervous, drugged, or even â€Å"hyper† in a sense can affect the learning process. All of those feelings can be competing factors with one’s attention span. Likewise, for something that may be of interest to the subject, full attention could be put into place and more dedication to observing and absorbing new information could happen (Learning, 2008). The second step is known as â€Å"Retention† (Learning, 2008). Retention is known as the storing process of observational learning. The ability or lack of to store or remember information plays an important role in the learning process (Learning, 2008). Retention, just like attention, can be affected by many different factors as well. This is also where imagery and language come into play. One is able to store information in terms of verbal knowledge or imagery knowledge, depending on the subject and situation. Later, one is expected to â€Å"bring up† the previously observed information if retention was successful (Learning, 2008). No need to say that retaining information is a vital aspect to observational learning. Third on the list of steps for the social learning model is â€Å"Reproduction† (Learning, 2008). This is where the performance of information retained is put into place. Once one has actually gone thorough attention and retained the proper information necessary, it is expected that one can perform the behavior initially learned (Learning, 2008). Of course, there are limitations to the ability of being able to perform certain tasks. For example, one can watch an Olympic gold medalist do an entire gymnastic tumbling routine on the mat, but may not have the ability to flex their body that particular way and be able to perform some of the stunts observed. This is why there is a leniency for the ability to perform tasks for the purpose that further practice may be needed (Learning, 2008). With a combination of practice of the learned behavior and continuous observation of the behavior, the performance level may have improvement and further skill advancement. The final of the four proper steps is â€Å"Motivation† (Learning, 2008). In order for most observational learning to be successful to any state, motivation is crucial to imitate the modeled behavior (Learning, 2008). There are several factors that Bandura stated to be a vital part in the motivational factor of the observed behavior performance. Reinforcement and punishment are key concepts in motivation levels (Learning, 2008). Past reinforcement, such as a reward after a proper outtake of the behavior, can motivate one to imitate the new observed behavior. In contrast, past punishment can be the same type of motivator. One who was punished previously for not conducting the observed behavior properly will make one want to conduct the new behavior successfully because they are aware of the consequences if not done properly (Learning, 2008). Also, promised reinforcements or punishments can do the same type of influence. A promised reinforcement, such as a treat, could make one strive to perform the task correctly. On the other hand, a promised punishment, such as a threat, can give the same affect (Learning, 2008).